Values we identify with representative democracy and open societies based on the individual freedom, equality, and dignity of people. In short, with liberal democracies that believe in the division of powers and the balance between them, in the independence of justice, in political pluralism, in freedom of speech, in respect for minorities, and in the necessary assurances to avoid the arbitrariness of public authorities over society and its members. These values are reflec ed in the field of economics, in the social market economy based on free private enterprise, and internationally they correspond to a multilateral cooperative order for the provision of global public goods, from free trade to the environment and, of course, peace, regarding international law and human rights.
For decades, these principles have promoted the global development of freedom, prosperity and peace, thus improving the lives of millions of people around the world. However, today they face extremely ambitious challenges to which they must respond. The new geopolitical and strategic scene differs greatly to that of the second half of the twentieth century; it is plain to see that Western hegemony under the leadership of a single superpower is being questioned. China aspires to replace the United States as the world’s great global power, and the tension between these two giants has provided an opportunity for other players such as Russia, Iran, and Turkey to play a much more important role on the international stage. We are a long way from the ‘end of history’ scenario predicted some years ago by those who certified a clear Western victory in the Cold War. Rather, what seems to be unfolding before us is a scenario of European and even Western decline and, consequently, a decline in the strength and appeal of their values for the whole international community of nations. Simultaneously, we find ourselves in a deeply disruptive technological revolution, which we have agreed to call ‘digitalisation’. This change is full of unimaginable opportunities, but it also involves very demanding challenges. That is the challenge facing new humanism today: ensuring technology does not become a means to control and dominate society by authorities — whether public or private — of an undemocratic nature.
Similarly, we must make an effort to minimise the damage that this new technological revolution, together with other phenomena such as globalisation, may cause among broad sections of the population. Unequal distribution of wealth, high public debt and the resulting cracks in intergenerational solidarity, impoverishment of the middle classes, and loss of social mobility elements require us to rethink and renew the social contract that ensured the cohesion of our Western societies from the end of the Second World War to the present day. This is also compounded by the threat posed by the proliferation of populist and nationalist groups and leaders within the very same democratic societies that feed off all these uncertainties to call into question democratic principles and values which, until now, were firmly established. Liberal democracy and its principles are being questioned by those appealing to nationalism in the face of globalisation, xenophobia in the face of migration issues, populism in the face of institutions, and identity as the only argument for political debate.