The atlantic relationship
and the future of Europe
Today, the reality in Europe is very different from that. Global geostrategy has shifted from a paradigm of multilateral cooperation to the pure and stark exercise of power, where the big players compete for hegemony and the medium-sized ones struggle to defend their autonomy in the face of openly coercive leadership. Soft power is now a thing of the past, and the values that were once celebrated as strengths of the European project are now perceived as weaknesses in this new and disturbing global scenario.
We Europeans face internal challenges in terms of security, competitiveness and governance. We are also experiencing growing frustration in large sectors of our societies, which is fuelling the discourse of those who propose a total rejection of the system. These domestic problems are exacerbated by the deterioration of our Atlantic link. The US is no longer the natural ally with whom we shared a common vision and solidarity, but has become an angry, fickle and even threatening partner, as we have seen in the dispute over Greenland. This new transatlantic relationship, which has yet to be fully defined, will determine the future of the European Union.
Europe's old unfinished business, so often delayed, is now an urgent and pressing necessity. We must quickly build everything we have failed to create so far: a defence worthy of the name, a genuine single market, a competitive economy, strategic autonomy and a model of governance that does not hinder the achievement of all these essential objectives.
However, an overly pessimistic view of the situation in Europe should not prevent us from recognising the strengths that are so envied by those who aspire to join the Union: our commercial power, our currency, our GDP, our model of freedoms, our common history and our determination to defend the political project we share. No one, least of all Europeans themselves, should underestimate the continent's ability to respond to challenges, however demanding they may be.
Since its foundation, Europe has grown and progressed through the various crises it has faced. Now we must face the uncertainty surrounding the future of our historic partnership with the US; it is not inconceivable that in a few years' time we will look back on this period not for the unease we feel today, but as the driving force behind a new leap forward for the continent.
Explore the key insights
from this edition
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Europe must recognise that the world has entered a new cycle. The stability that followed the Second World War can no longer be taken for granted.
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The Atlantic link remains essential, but it must be renewed on the basis of greater balance, mutual respect and shared responsibility.
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European strategic autonomy is compatible with NATO and should serve to strengthen the alliance, not replace it hastily.
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Ukraine is an existential issue for Europe. If Russia wins or imposes its conditions, the entire European security system will be weakened.
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There can be no peace without defence. Europe must invest more and better in security, industry, technology, strategic intelligence and military capabilities.
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The European model must be protected from a position of strength. Defence cannot be built against citizens or at the cost of destroying social cohesion.
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The European economy needs scale and speed. The single market must be completed, internal barriers reduced and European companies enabled to grow.
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European innovation requires integrated financing. Without a capital markets union, common assets and less fragmentation, Europe will continue to lose ground to the United States and China.
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Europe must act as a global trade and regulatory power, strengthening agreements with Mercosur, India, Canada, Africa and Ibero-America.
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Europe’s future will depend on its ability to be a subject of history, rather than an object of decisions made by other powers. This requires principles, alliances and concrete policies.
Confirmed speakers for this edition
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Amancio López Seijas
President at Fundación La Toja
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Ana Cavalieri
Professor and political analyst
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Ana Lehmann
Professor at FEP - University of Porto and business administrator
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António Costa
President of the European Council
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Augusto Santos Silva
President of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic (2022–2024) and minister of Foreign Affairs of Portugal (2015–2022)
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António José Seguro
President of the Portuguese Republic
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Carlos López Blanco
Chairman of the Foro La Toja Organizing Committee
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Javier Colomina
NATO Special Representative for the Southern Neighbourhood
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Juan Fernández Trigo
Ambassador of Spain in Portugal
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Luísa Meireles
Journalist. Head of news at the Lusa news agency
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Margarita Robles
Minister of Defense of the Government of Spain
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Mariano Rajoy
President of the Spanish Government (2011-2018)
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Mário Centeno
Governor of the Bank of Portugal (2020-2025)
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Michael Ignatieff
2024 Princess of Asturias Award for Social Sciences. Rector Emeritus, Central European University (2016–2021)
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Paulo Portas
Deputy Prime Minister of Portugal (2013–2015)
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Paulo Rangel
Minister of State and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the 25th Government of Portugal
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Peter Rough
Director of the Center on Europe and Eurasia at the Hudson Institute
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Román Escolano
Minister of Economy, Industry and Competitiveness of the Government of Spain (2018)
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Shlomo Ben Ami
Historian. Israeli Minister for Foreign Affairs(2000-2001)
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Trinidad Jiménez
Minister of Foreign Affairs (2010–2011) and Minister of Health (2009–2010) in the Spanish Government
Watch all panel discussions and dialogues
Foro la Toja - Lisbon 2026
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